The demand, in statute form
People with no right to remain go home. New visas pause where majorities want religious law over the electorate.
01 — Opening
The demand is a statute. Not a march on a neighborhood. Not a knife. Not a collective punishment of citizens who share a religion with the people the tables describe. Anyone selling a street action under this name is not this page.
Four rules. Non-citizens with no permanent right to remain leave: illegal entry, overstay, failed asylum. Non-citizens who are convicted of a removable crime leave after the sentence. New visas and resettlement pause from states where majorities want religious law over civil law. Chain migration, which rebuilds the sending society inside the receiving one, ends. The facts those rules rest on are the sister record at demandremigration.com.
The demand, in one paragraph
No right to remain means leave. A citizen is not removable for belief. A new visa is not owed by a society that wants a different law.
That is the policy, not a quotation from a statute. The legal hooks that already exist are deportability of non-citizens, 8 U.S.C. § 1227, and denaturalization where citizenship was procured by concealment or willful misrepresentation, 8 U.S.C. § 1451. A pause on visas, and an end to chain migration, require legislation. They are demands, not a claim that a clerk can impose them this afternoon.
02
The objections worth answering are the ones that confuse a citizen with a visa, and a failed asylum claim with a birthright.
01
The objection
Once someone is here, removal is cruelty, whatever the visa said.
The statute
Illegal entry and overstay are breaches of the condition of admission. A failed asylum claim is a temporary protection that ended. None of the three is a permanent right. Returning the person is the law working, not a mob improvising. The United States does not need an invented border statistic to say so. 8 U.S.C. § 1227 is enough.
02
The objection
After prison, the non-citizen has paid, and payment includes the right to stay.
The statute
The sentence is the criminal penalty. Removal is the immigration consequence. A non-citizen convicted of a removable offense leaves when the sentence is done. Keeping him as a settler treats the crime as an application. Germany’s 2025 suspect shares — murder 42.72 percent non-German, robbery 48.64 percent, rape and serious sexual assault 38.46 percent — are why “after prison, he stays” is not a neutral courtesy. Those figures are suspects, not convictions, and the demand here is keyed to convictions.
03
The objection
Every arrival from a poor or violent country is a future citizen, and saying otherwise is a ban on refuge.
The statute
Refuge is temporary protection from a specific danger. It is not a population transfer, and it does not survive a claim that fails. Britain’s small boats — about 33,000 in the year ending June 2026, about 72 percent adult men, about 205,000 since 2018 — are an unauthorized route, not a refugee program with a cap. Nationalities rotate through Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, Eritrea, Sudan, Iraq, and Albania. Albania is not Muslim-majority. The route is still not a right to remain.
04
The objection
Any tightening is a plot to strip citizens for being Muslim.
The statute
No. A citizen is not removable for belief, birth, or attendance at a mosque. Naturalization that was procured by fraud can already be undone, because it was never honestly obtained — 8 U.S.C. § 1451. Fraud is the ground. Faith is not. Conflating the two is how a lawful demand gets redescribed as a roundup. This page refuses the roundup.
03
Read the row before you argue with the headline. The pause is about new admission from specific states. It is not a deportation order against a citizen.
What is true now
Not removable for religion, speech, or ancestry.
What we demand
Stays. This demand does not reach them. Belief is not a ground.
What is true now
A permanent right, unless a ground of deportability applies.
What we demand
Stays, if there is no removable crime and no fraud. We do not invent a new ground called Islam.
What is true now
No admission. No permanent right.
What we demand
Leaves. Presence is not a statute of limitations the public agreed to.
What is true now
The date on the visa was the deal.
What we demand
Leaves. A lapsed permission is not asylum and it is not citizenship.
What is true now
Temporary protection that the claim did not sustain.
What we demand
Leaves. Shelter is not a population transfer.
What is true now
The conviction is the record. Prison is the penalty.
What we demand
Leaves after the sentence. Settlement is not part of the punishment.
What is true now
Citizenship procured by concealment or willful misrepresentation.
What we demand
Undone under 8 U.S.C. § 1451. Fraud, not faith.
What is true now
Currently treated as ordinary immigration, then often as chain migration.
What we demand
Paused. No new visas or resettlement where majorities want religious law over civil law. Chain migration ends.
| Status | What is true now | What we demand |
|---|---|---|
| Born citizen | Not removable for religion, speech, or ancestry. | Stays. This demand does not reach them. Belief is not a ground. |
| Lawful permanent resident | A permanent right, unless a ground of deportability applies. | Stays, if there is no removable crime and no fraud. We do not invent a new ground called Islam. |
| Illegal entry | No admission. No permanent right. | Leaves. Presence is not a statute of limitations the public agreed to. |
| Visa overstay | The date on the visa was the deal. | Leaves. A lapsed permission is not asylum and it is not citizenship. |
| Failed asylum | Temporary protection that the claim did not sustain. | Leaves. Shelter is not a population transfer. |
| Criminal non-citizen | The conviction is the record. Prison is the penalty. | Leaves after the sentence. Settlement is not part of the punishment. |
| Naturalization by fraud | Citizenship procured by concealment or willful misrepresentation. | Undone under 8 U.S.C. § 1451. Fraud, not faith. |
| New visa from a religious-law state | Currently treated as ordinary immigration, then often as chain migration. | Paused. No new visas or resettlement where majorities want religious law over civil law. Chain migration ends. |
The polls are the admissions test
The pause is not a guess about every person in a passport queue. It is a rule about the polity. If a majority of adults in the sending state say they want religious law to govern, the receiving state is entitled to stop issuing the visa. Private dissenters inside that state are not a reason to import the majority’s law.
Use the Pew questions without mixing them. In 2013, asked whether sharia should be the official law, 99 percent in Afghanistan and 84 percent in Pakistan said yes. On January 28, 2025, Pew reported that adults in Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Malaysia more often say the Quran should outweigh the will of the people when the two conflict, including 77 percent in Bangladesh. Different years. Different sentences. Same direction: scripture over the electorate.
Sweden is the control group for a stupid version of this pause. Brå 2025:7 finds under-representation, or no overrepresentation, among migrants from high-income countries and among people admitted for work or study, and higher rates from low-income and conflict origins. A serious pause aims at the second group, not at a Japanese engineer or a Korean graduate student. Germany’s pattern is the same shape. Japanese and Chinese nationals are not the non-German overrepresentation.
Rotherham is what it looks like when institutions refuse the specific noun. The Jay inquiry in 2014 found at least 1,400 children exploited from 1997 to 2013, and found that authorities looked away partly for fear of racism accusations. A statute that will not name origin will not protect the next town either.
04
It is not a call to harm a person, citizen or not. It is not a slur. It is not “anyone Muslim, out,” and anyone who shortens it to that is writing a different document.
It is not a claim that every non-German suspect in the BKA tables is Muslim. Nationality is not a religion census, dual nationals are counted as German, and Albania’s presence on the boat list is the standing correction. The demand does not need a false census. It needs the origin pattern and the law those origins say they want.
It is not an announcement that the United States has some secret annual removal quota this page refuses to print. We are not inventing a border number. Removal of people with no right to remain is ordinary Immigration and Nationality Act practice. The missing American number is not an argument for leaving failed claimants in place.
Chain migration is how a pause gets undone. One admission becomes a household, then a street, then a voting bloc organized around the law of the sending state. End the chain. The person who is already a citizen stays a citizen. The person who is not does not acquire cousins as a right.
Welfare is for citizens. A non-citizen with no right to remain is not a client the public has adopted. Housing, asylum support, and municipal services are not a back door into permanent settlement when the claim has failed or the visa has lapsed.
The record sits on demandremigration.com: Germany’s 35.5 percent suspect share against a 14.9 percent population share, Sweden’s gap after controls, the Channel boats, the two Pew questions kept separate. nozabiha.com and nozabihahalal.com refuse the religious food code. islamophobe.me refuses the legal system that travels with it. This page is the removal.
The line in the sand
Western law is one law, made by the living electorate, applied without a religious test and without a religious exemption that swallows the rule. A sending society that rejects that arrangement does not have a claim on the visa window.
Enforcement is removal under statute, after process, of people the law already does not entitle to stay — plus a legislative pause where the polls are this clear. It is not a riot, and it is not a hereditary exile of citizens.
We are not going to become compatible with the alternative. The alternative is the suspect table, the boat, the child-exploitation inquiry that was not allowed to name what it saw, and a food code and a legal code that do not mean to sit politely beside civil law.
Illegal entry, visa overstay, and failed asylum are not a second citizenship. Removal is already the ordinary rule. Enforce it. Do not invent a new one for people the statute already covers.
A non-citizen convicted of a removable crime serves the sentence and leaves. Prison is not an integration program and it is not a path to settlement.
Stop new visas and resettlement from states where majorities tell pollsters they want religious law over civil law. That is an admissions rule about the polity people are leaving, not a raid on a citizen’s house.
Chain migration restocks the sending society inside the receiving one. End it. Welfare is for citizens. A lawful permanent resident who has not committed a removable offense, and has not naturalized by fraud, is not the cargo.
Remigration does not riot. It removes.
No right to remain means leave. Citizens are not the cargo.
Domain available
One name. One argument. A buyer who wants the record said in public, without a committee sanding the number down. Pricing, transfer, and escrow on inquiry.